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Selected American history
The Life of Abraham Lincoln
By Henry Ketcham
CHAPTER XXXI.
EMANCIPATION.
The institution of slavery was always and only hateful to the earnest
and honest nature of Lincoln. He detested it with all the energy of his
soul. He would, as he said, gladly have swept it from the face of the
earth. Not even the extreme abolitionists, Garrison, Wendell Phillips,
Whittier, abominated slavery with more intensity than Lincoln. But he
did not show his hostility in the same way. He had a wider scope of
vision than they. He had, and they had not, an appreciative historical
knowledge of slavery in this country. He knew that it was tolerated by
the Constitution and laws enacted within the provisions of the
Constitution, though he believed that the later expansion of slavery
was contrary to the spirit and intent of the men who framed the
Constitution. And he believed that slaveholders had legal rights which
should be respected by all orderly citizens. His sympathy with the
slave did not cripple his consideration for the slave-owner who had
inherited his property in that form, and under a constitution and laws
which he did not originate and for which he was not responsible.
He would destroy slavery root and branch, but he would do it in a
manner conformable to the Constitution, not in violation of it. He
would exterminate it, but he would not so do it as to impoverish law-
abiding citizens whose property was in slaves. He would eliminate
slavery, but not in a way to destroy the country, for that would entail
more mischief than benefit. To use a figure, he would throw Jonah
overboard, but he would not upset the ship in the act.
Large numbers of people have a limited scope of knowledge. Such
overlooked the real benefits of our civilization, and did not realize
that wrecking the constitution would simply destroy the good that had
thus far been achieved, and uproot the seeds of promise of usefulness
for the centuries to come. They wanted slavery destroyed at once,
violently, regardless of the disastrous consequences. On the other
hand, Lincoln wanted it destroyed, but by a sure and rational process.
He wished--and from this he never swerved--to do also two things:
first, to compensate the owners of the slaves, and second to provide
for the future of the slaves themselves. Of course, the extreme
radicals could not realize that he was more intensely opposed to
slavery than themselves.
Let us now glance at his record. We have already seen (in chapter V.)
how he revolted from the first view of the horrors of the institution,
and the youthful vow which he there recorded will not readily be
forgotten. That was in 1831 when he was twenty-two years of age.
Six years later, or in 1837, when he was a youthful member of the
Illinois legislature, he persuaded Stone to join him in a protest
against slavery. There was positively nothing to be gained by this
protest, either personally or in behalf of the slave. The only possible
reason for it was that he believed that slavery was wrong and could not
rest until he had openly expressed that belief. "A timely utterance
gave that thought relief, And I again am strong."
When he was in congress, in 1846, the famous Wilmot Proviso came up.
This was to provide "that, as an express and fundamental condition to
the acquisition of any territory from the republic of Mexico by the
United States ... neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall ever
exist in any part of the said territory." By reason of amendments, this
subject came before the house very many times, and Lincoln said
afterwards that he had voted for the proviso in one form or another
forty-two times.
On the 16th day of January, 1849, he introduced into congress a bill
for the emancipation of slavery in the District of Columbia. This was a
wise and reasonable bill. It gave justice to all, and at the same time
gathered all the fruits of emancipation in the best possible way. The
bill did not pass, there was no hope at the time that it would pass.
But it compelled a reasonable discussion of the subject and had a
certain amount of educational influence.
It is interesting that, thirteen years later, April 10, 1862, he had
the privilege of fixing his presidential signature to a bill similar to
his own. Congress had moved up to his position. When he signed the
bill, he said: "Little did I dream, in 1849, when I proposed to abolish
slavery in this capital, and could scarcely get a hearing for the
proposition, that it would be so soon accomplished."
After the expiration of his term in congress he left political life, as
he supposed, forever. He went into the practise of the law in earnest,
and was so engaged at the time of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise
which called him back to the arena of politics.
In the early part of the war there were certain attempts at
emancipation which Lincoln held in check for the reason that the time
for them had not arrived. "There's a tide in the affairs of men." It is
of prime importance that this tide be taken at the flood. So far as
emancipation was concerned, this came in slower than the eagerness of
Generals Fremont and Hunter. But it was coming, and in the meantime
Lincoln was doing what he could to help matters on. The difficulty was
that if the Union was destroyed it would be the death-blow to the cause
of emancipation. At the same time not a few loyal men were
slaveholders. To alienate these by premature action would be
disastrous. The only wise plan of action was to wait patiently until a
sufficient number of these could be depended on in the emergency of
emancipation. This was what Lincoln was doing.
The first part of the year 1862 was very trying. The North had expected
to march rapidly and triumphantly into Richmond. This had not been
accomplished, but on the contrary disaster had followed disaster in
battle, and after many months the two armies were encamped facing each
other and almost in sight of Washington, while the soldiers from the
North were rapidly sickening and dying in the Southern camps. Small
wonder if there was an impatient clamor.
A serious result of this delay was the danger arising from European
sources. The monarchies of Europe had no sympathy with American
freedom. They became impatient with the reports of "no progress" in the
war, and at this time some of them were watching for a pretext to
recognize the Southern Confederacy. This came vividly to the knowledge
of Carl Schurz, minister to Spain. By permission of the President he
returned to this country--this was late in January, 1862--to lay the
matter personally before him. With the help of Schurz, Lincoln
proceeded to develop the sentiment for emancipation. By his request
Schurz went to New York to address a meeting of the Emancipation
Society on March 6th. It need not be said that the speaker delivered a
most able and eloquent plea upon "Emancipation as a Peace Measure."
Lincoln also made a marked contribution to the meeting. He telegraphed
to Schurz the text of his message to congress recommending emancipation
in the District of Columbia,--which resulted in the law already
mentioned,--and this message of Lincoln was read to the meeting. The
effect of it, following the speech of Schurz, was overwhelming. It was
quite enough to satisfy the most sanguine expectations. This was not a
coincidence, it was a plan. Lincoln's hand in the whole matter
was not seen nor suspected for many years after. It gave a marked
impetus to the sentiment of emancipation.
To the loyal slaveholders of the border states he made a proposal of
compensated emancipation. To his great disappointment they rejected
this. It was very foolish on their part, and he cautioned them that
they might find worse trouble.
All this time, while holding back the eager spirits of the
abolitionists, he was preparing for his final stroke. But it was of
capital importance that this should not be premature. McClellan's
failure to take Richmond and his persistent delay, hastened the result.
The community at large became impatient beyond all bounds. There came
about a feeling that something radical must be done, and that quickly.
But it was still necessary that he should be patient. As the bravest
fireman is the last to leave the burning structure, so the wise
statesman must hold himself in check until the success of so important
a measure is assured beyond a doubt.
An event which occurred later may be narrated here because it
illustrates the feeling which Lincoln always had in regard to slavery.
The item was written out by the President himself and given to the
newspapers for publication under the heading,
"THE PRESIDENT'S LAST, SHORTEST, AND BEST SPEECH."
"On Thursday of last week, two ladies from Tennessee came before the
President, asking the release of their husbands, held as prisoners of
war at Johnson's Island. They were put off until Friday, when they came
again, and were again put off until Saturday. At each of the interviews
one of the ladies urged that her husband was a religious man. On
Saturday, when the President ordered the release of the prisoners, he
said to this lady: You say your husband is a religious man; tell him
when you meet him that I say I am not much of a judge of religion, but
that, in my opinion, the religion that sets men to rebel and fight
against their government because, as they think, that government does
not sufficiently help some men to eat their bread in the sweat
of other men's faces, is not the sort of religion upon which
people can get to heaven."
As the dreadful summer of 1862 advanced, Lincoln noted surely that the
time was at hand when emancipation would be the master stroke. In
discussing the possibilities of this measure he seemed to take the
opposite side. This was a fixed habit with him. He drew out the
thoughts of other people. He was enabled to see the subject from all
sides. Even after his mind was made up to do a certain thing, he would
still argue against it. But in any other sense than this he took
counsel of no one upon the emancipation measure. The work was his work.
He presented his tentative proclamation to the cabinet on the 22d of
July, 1862. The rest of the story is best told in Lincoln's own words:
--
"It had got to be midsummer, 1862. Things had gone on from bad to
worse, until I felt that we had reached the end of our rope on the plan
of operations we had been pursuing; that we had about played our last
card, and must change our tactics or lose the game. I now determined
upon the adoption of the emancipation policy; and without consultation
with, or knowledge of, the cabinet, I prepared the original draft of
the proclamation, and after much anxious thought called a cabinet
meeting upon the subject.... I said to the cabinet that I had resolved
upon this step, and had not called them together to ask their advice,
but to lay the subject-matter of a proclamation before them,
suggestions as to which would be in order after they had heard it
read."
The members of the cabinet offered various suggestions, but none which
Lincoln had not fully anticipated. Seward approved the measure but
thought the time not opportune. There had been so many reverses in the
war, that he feared the effect. "It may be viewed," he said, "as the
last measure of an exhausted government, a cry for help; the government
stretching forth its hands to Ethiopia, instead of Ethiopia stretching
forth her hands to the government." He then suggested that the
proclamation be not issued until it could be given to the country
supported by military successes. This seemed to Lincoln a wise
suggestion, and he acted on it. The document was laid away for the
time.
It was not until September 17th that the looked-for success came. The
Confederate army had crossed the Potomac with the intention of invading
the North. They were met and completely defeated in the battle of
Antietam. Lincoln said of it: "When Lee came over the river, I made a
resolution that if McClellan drove him back I would send the
proclamation after him. The battle of Antietam was fought Wednesday,
and until Saturday I could not find out whether we had gained a victory
or lost a battle. It was then too late to issue the proclamation that
day; and the fact is I fixed it up a little Sunday, and Monday I let
them have it."
This was the preliminary proclamation and was issued September 22d. The
supplementary document, the real proclamation of emancipation, was
issued January 1, 1863. As the latter covers substantially the ground
of the former, it is not necessary to repeat both and only the second
one is given.
EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION.
Whereas, on the twenty-second day of September, in the year of our Lord
one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a proclamation was issued by
the President of the United States, containing, among other things, the
following, to wit:--
That on the first day of January in the year of our Lord one thousand
eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any
state, or designated part of a state, the people whereof shall then be
in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward
and forever free, and the Executive Government of the United States,
including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and
maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to
repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for
their actual freedom.
That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid by
proclamation, designate the states and part of states, if any, in which
the people thereof respectively shall then be in rebellion against the
United States; and the fact that any state, or the people thereof,
shall on that day be in good faith represented in the congress of the
United States by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority
of the qualified voters of such state shall have participated, shall,
in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive
evidence that such state and the people thereof are not then in
rebellion against the United States:--
Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United
States, by virtue of the power in me vested as commander-in-chief of
the army and navy of the United States, in time of actual armed
rebellion against the authority of, and government of, the United
States, and as a fit and necessary war measure for suppressing said
rebellion, do, on this first day of January, in the year of our Lord
one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and in accordance with my
purpose so to do, publicly proclaimed for the full period of one
hundred days from the day first above mentioned, order, and designate,
as the states and parts of states wherein the people thereof
respectively are this day in rebellion against the United States [here
follows the list].
And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order
and declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated
states and parts of states, are and henceforward shall be free; and
that the executive government of the United States, including the
military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the
freedom of said persons.
And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free, to abstain
from all violence, unless in necessary self-defense, and I recommend to
them, that in all cases, when allowed, they labor faithfully for
reasonable wages.
And I further declare and make known that such persons of suitable
condition will be received into the armed service of the United States
to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man
vessels of all sorts in said service.
And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice,
warranted by the Constitution, upon military necessity, I invoke the
considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of almighty God.
In Testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my name and caused the
seal of the United States to be affixed.
Done at the city of Washington, this first day of January, in the year
of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the
Independence of the United States of America the eighty-seventh.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
By the President:
WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.
So he fulfilled his youthful vow. He had hit that thing, and he had hit
it hard! From that blow the cursed institution of slavery will not
recover in a thousand years.
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